Lēwa and the Misguided Perception of Cultural Appropriation
by Sneha Rajeev Sharma, Music
Lēwa, a music-dance genre, emerged from the Emirati communities of African descent who have sought to preserve their artistic identity. The progression of their music has resulted in a tradition unique to the diasporic African communities residing in Oman. Despite the rich heritage of Lēwa, performers struggle to sustain their music, similar to several multiethnic cultures of the region. There is a constant burden exerted by their external environment in order to propagandize assimilation into the larger Arab society. Moreover, when examining music derived from various social, racial, and ethnic backgrounds, such as Lēwa, the ongoing discussions regarding proprietorship and appropriation in ethnomusicology studies naturally stimulate dialogue. These controversies significantly impact the perception and reception of these genres. Investigating Lēwa through the religious, political, and social institutions of Oman shows the motivation of their origins and deviations in creative expression over time. This research critically examines the disputes of ownership and cultural appropriation regarding music introduced and inspired by foreign cultures, using Lēwa as a case study. The several factors contributing to the development of such music reveal that an overarching principle fails to evaluate appropriation. Forcing a standard based on the ideals of contemporary society limits the innovational formation of culture and music.
Lēwa, Oman, ethnomusicology studies, cultural appropriation, proprietorship
In recent years, the discussions of proprietorship and appropriation have been prevalent in ethnomusicology studies. When examining the musicking of West Asia through this lens, there is an evident overlap between nations in the organization, repertorial themes, and performance styles. Lēwa, a genre adopted by African communities in Oman and throughout the United Arab Emirates (UAE), exemplifies this crossover. The Omani performers intended for the music to be transmitted to the younger generation, which was accomplished through the inevitable Arabization (morphing into Arab ethnicity and language), reinvigorating the genre over time. Since then, due to the stigmatization of appropriation in the media, they faced criticism for stealing from the creators, in this case, the African communities. However, despite modifications in their work and presentations, the genre maintains the integrity of the African performance styles through music and is attributed to the descendants, who are usually the performers in Oman. By revisiting the past and its evolution, we can grasp the dynamic nature of Arabic/African cultural expression. Therefore, this case study illustrates how appropriation could be comprehensively examined by considering different arguments and expanding on Lēwa’s origin, with the territory’s history, performance elements, heritage, as well as its progression into contemporary society.
Cultural heritage or turāth is preserved but also transmitted and transformed in the UAE. While the musical traditions remained the same before and after the colonial rule in countries such as Qatar and the Emirates, post-independence in the 1970s, the formation of nation-states occurred, and regional interest in the preservation of music rose. There were elaborate borders redrawn throughout the Gulf countries, but the music cultures were fluid and overlapping. The position of the Arabian Peninsula between Mesopotamia, Persia, the Indus Valley, Africa, and the desert shows the natural reciprocal influence on traditions (see Figures 1 and 2).
Figure 1. “Map of the constituent countries of the Gulf Cooperation Council” (Chmielewski Kenny, 2024).
Figure 2. “Map of Oman” (Dieter Christensen, 2001).
Some of the Arabic emic classification approaches (local organization methods based on conventional practice), include polyrhythmic/polymelodic techniques. They categorize vocal expression with the terms aghānī (lullabies, children’s songs, work songs, etc.) and fann (art), even though the distinctions are considerably blurred. Fann comprises a combination of genres/subgenres shown through poetry, dance, instruments, songs, and choreography (Christensen 2001). The more popular genres are the Bedouin arts, Afro-Arab arts, mālid (religious arts), etc. The word mūsīqa began to replace those traditional designations of music in fann. The transition into modernity coming with mūsīqa destabilized the performers of different fann who were restricted to being mughannī (singer).
While there was an extent of prioritization of the olden arts, performers began to realize the trend of deviating away from them, especially since transmission had only been oral. This led to several Gulf intellectuals starting to feel the urgency of establishing modern institutions. ‘Ali ʿAbd Allah Khalifa, a Bahraini poet, went to Baghdad in 1981 which was a reference point for preserving Iraqi local customs. Based on the preceding efforts toward preservation and institutionalization in Bhagdad, Khalifa convinced Iraq, Oman, Qatar, Bahrain, the Emirates, Kuwait, and Saudi Arabia, to create an Arab Gulf Center, Markaz al-Turāth al-Shaʿbī li-Duwal al-Khalīj al-ʿArabiyya, in 1982. This discussion led to several research centers throughout UAE, including Oman in 1983 to “conserve and affirm Omani identity.” The efforts reinforced the importance of saving genres, such as Lēwa, that could have been at risk of disappearing altogether.
Lēwa or Līwa has multiple rumored definitions, including a Swahili word for “today” or heewa. During celebrations people would announce the ceremony by shouting “heewa, heewa, heewa!” Another possible explanation is that the genre derives from the way it is performed because Lēwa in Swahili means “dancing circles”. Others believe Lēwa comes from the Swahili name of a marine vessel with a circular foredeck. ‘Ali ʿAbd Allah Khalifa claims that it came from the burial rites of the tribal groups on the East African coast and that the movement of the dancers is related to the full moon and the orbits of the stars (Boulos, Danielson, and Rasmussen 2021). Finally, according to the Dictionary of Omani Traditional Music, Lēwa was an African art practiced by Omanis while they were rulers and merchants in Zanzibar, and it referred to a fermented drink that they had before engaging with the circular dance (Sebiane 2017).
Regardless of the origin, the locals agree that the music was brought by the Bantu people in Africa and performed with the goal of transmitting their culture to the younger generations (Murer 2020, 66). ‘Awad Mubarak, a Lēwa leader in the UAE, emphasizes that the genre, that is described as an art of manhood and/or masculinity, has been a part of the culture for over 100 years. He states that it was first brought by Africans, serving the purpose of ceremonial rituals. However, with time, it became a part of the folk arts in the Arabian Gulf. Lēwa, in the UAE, is primarily for entertainment at weddings/celebrations, and funerary practices (Boulos, Danielson, and Rasmussen 2021, 132).
Lēwa groups reflect a hierarchical system where members hold ranks. The Higher Musical Council (HMC) would have abū (father/head, highest ranked), and the deputy, al-mukhayzarānī. The HMC is made up of leaders in different groups functioning as a regulation body, to settle internal/external managerial disputes. The musicians were classified based on their instruments, such as the al-zamr (double-reed wind instrument) player holds the highest status as it is vital to Lēwa and is almost exclusively used for this type of music to set the mood. The al-țabl al-ʿūd/shindū (a big drum) follows the zamr player, because drums are held in high regard in accordance with African communities. The third position belongs to the other drum players which include al-kāsir/al-jabwa, al-kātim drums, and the al-bīb (oil tin can). The Lēwa dancers are the least important since they could technically belong to any group or community in the public. But they are the defining part of the genre as the circular arrangement and movements distinguish Lēwa (Boulos, Danielson, and Rasmussen 2021, 129-132).
Aurally breaking down the music reveals the sequential hierarchy. The al-zamr often starts the piece in a loud, bright timbre. The membranophones join and keep the steady rhythm, with the dancers’ vocals often being the last additional instrument. Moreover, they have specific attire and performance conventionalities. The ensemble usually wears a white head covering in addition to their white thobe/thoub (robe). The instrumentalists may be in the middle of the circle formation of the dancers or be seated beside the dancers. Each Lēwa group currently includes 60-80 performers. Women historically did participate in Lēwa; however, only men are a part of these groups today. A former leader of Lēwa mentioned that during the performance, women would be dancing in a circle in the middle. But, after the old women had died and the younger generations began to change with the world, many were reluctant and shy to join.
Lēwa captures a range of themes that continue the oral traditions of African descendants. The African seafarers/workers expressed their longing to return to their homelands. Due to transmission, many of the themes of Lēwa remain in the text, but very few Swahili definitions are intelligible to the locals. They would memorize the Swahili lyrics without the intention to express themselves contextually. Therefore, the Arabization of Lēwa songs occurred soon because people wanted to be understood by the new performers and the audience. Today, repertories include the older Swahili texts and the Arabic texts where both are taught to the younger generations (Boulos, Danielson, and Rasmussen 2021, 133-137).
Given this holistic understanding of Lēwa, we delve into the societal structure and immigration patterns as well as elaborate on the present-day arguments regarding the genre’s right of possession. Migration from North and East Africa, in addition to the Atlantic slave trade, occurred due to trade travels and bringing in workers (Sebiane 2017). The relationships between Arab and African merchants and the slaves/locals after Islam was born (in the 8th, 9th, and 10th centuries), several diasporic populations in the Gulf areas from Mombasa, Tanzania, Swahili coast, and Mozambique developed specialized cultural histories in different regions (Holton 2024). Within Oman, many African divers and seamen were brought to the Arabian Gulf for the pearl-diving industry. These migration flows led to organic exchanges of music, rituals, and performing arts.
The naturalized citizens’ musical expression came from their lineage: Zar healing rituals from Egypt, for instance, were also practiced as Gnawa, Diwane, and Stambeli in North Africa. While they are acknowledged in the Emirati cultures, they are considered black/folk traditions rather than nationalistic. A similar attitude extends to genres such as Lēwa, Al-Bar’ah, Al-tariq, Al-taghrud, and Al-malwid. However, the younger generations of African descent felt more inclined to embrace this part of their identity, living as a minority group in the Gulf. According to Dr. Holton, among the 13 nationalized modes in Tunisian Arabic music, one of them is the pentatonic rasd ‘obaydi which means “rasd” of the enslaved ones (see Appendix A). As a result of this patriotism and unity, rituals like Stambeli are now being considered for national identification.
While being cognizant of their marginalized status in the Gulf, it is important to address the widespread conversation of appropriation in this context. The controversy revolving around the idea of cultural ownership is rooted in capitalistic structures that are governed often by the West, where they privatize and profit from art forms/works that do not originate there (Holton 2024). Morality is then questioned when this ownership of culture is a replication without having given credit to ethnic groups, the potential innovators of that art/practice who are unable to survive and lead the current lifestyles.
However, an equally essential aspect of appropriation, which is rarely acknowledged by mainstream media, is the fluidity of culture and it’s continuous modification by society, education, religion, etc. shaped through global interdependence. As mentioned by ethnomusicologist Steven Feld, “Musical appropriation sings a double line with one voice. It is a melody of admiration, even homage and respect; a fundamental source of connectedness, creativity, and innovation…. Yet this voice is harmonized by a counter-melody of power, even control, and domination; a fundamental source of maintaining asymmetries in ownership and commodification of musical works” (1988, 31). Recognizing this “counter-melody” as an inevitable byproduct of the foundation of this modern world does not dismiss the issue at hand. But tackling this idea within Lēwa reveals that this music has noticeably developed unique, Arabized features over time. It is frequently performed by the diasporic African descendants who accredit the derivations to their ancestors, sometimes through the music itself. Therefore, while it is “appropriated,” the stigma associated with the concept in this circumstance is unjustly prejudiced.
Moreover, tracing the creators of every aspect of a performance style is impossible, considering that many of the original autochthonous populations no longer exist. For example, the Al-bar’ah genre is performed by dancers holding a dagger as seen in Lēwa, but it is classified as part of sea songs, separate from entertainment. Additionally, the Al-taghrud and Al-tariq are desert songs that are specific to the terrains and animals (camel) in this region, but the music belongs to the Bedouin genre that derives from African slaves (Al-Barwani 2005). This view does not attempt to disregard or deny the pioneers of these musics. Rather, it serves as a basis for a dialogue on establishing reasonable grounds for possession and copyright.
Lēwa, as a case study, shows how the nuanced history of individual genres, performers, instruments, events, etc. cannot be constricted into a generalized principle when it comes to complex concepts of patrimony, ownership, and appropriation. It requires consistent investigation and revision of how they continue to change, especially as these nations interact with one another on the global stage. The study shows that while the fundamentals of music may remain, the culture does not stay stagnant because it is always reacting to its social and physical surroundings. Consequently, oversimplifying denunciation of appropriation leads to an unwarranted bias towards the idea. As seen with Lēwa, considering the possible intricacies is crucial to be able to accept the richness and diversity of musical heritage.
References
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Al-Barwani, Khalfan. 2005. “Music and Dance in Oman.” Smithsonian Folklife Festival. https://festival.si.edu/articles/2005/music-and-dance-in-oman
Boulos, Issa, Virginia Danielson, and Anne K. Rasmussen. 2021. Music in Arabia: Perspectives on Heritage, Mobility, and Nation. Bloomington, IN: Indiana University.
“Muscat.” 2024. Encyclopedia Britannica. https://www.britannica.com/place/Muscat.
Chmielewski, Kenny. 2024. “Gulf Cooperation Council.” Encyclopedia Britannica, Fig. 1. https://www.britannica.com/topic/Gulf-Cooperation-Council.
Christensen, Dieter. 2001. “Musical Life in Sohar, Oman.” Garland Encyclopedia of World Music Volume 6: The Middle East, edited by Virginia Danielson, Scott Marcus, and Dwight Reynolds, 699-712, New York: Routledge.
— 2001. “Oman.” Grove Music Online, fig. 2. https://doi.org/10.1093/gmo/9781561592630.article.44732
Crystal, J. Ann and J.E. Peterson. 2024. “Oman.” Encyclopedia Britannica. https://www.britannica.com/place/Oman.
Feld, Steven. 1988. “Notes on World Beat.” Public Culture 1 (1): 31-37. https://doi.org/10.1215/08992363-1-1-31
Holton, Jared. 2024. Interview with Sneha Sharma. April 9.
Killius, Rolf. 2014. “Sea Meets Desert: Reflections on Traditional Music in Oman.” Qatar Digital Library. https://www.qdl.qa/en/sea-meets-desert-reflections-traditional-music-oman
“Liwa? Dance in Sharqiyya, Oman.” 2010. YouTube video, 3:29. Posted by “beunderlined.” April 30, 2010. https://youtu.be/uYcyXULSC6E?si=cXKp0IeRVSyMAoE8
“Liwa UAE Traditional Dance.” 2020. YouTube video, 9:49. Posted by “beunderlined.” April 10, 2022. https://youtu.be/3m-UN2KQdmI?si=0feydhE6WOuFi-Hu
Murer, George. 2020. “The Forging of Musical Festivity in Baloch Muscat: From Arabian Sea Empire to Gulf Transurbanism to the Pan-Tropical Imaginary.” Ethnomusicology Review 22 (1): 62-80. https://ethnomusicologyreview.ucla.edu/sites/default/files/murer_1.pdf
Sebiane, Maho. 2017. “Beyond the Leiwah of Eastern Arabia: Structure of a Possession Rite in the Longue Durée.” Música em Contexto 11 (1): 13-45. https://hal.science/hal-03986432v1/file/2017_Beyond_the_leiwah_of_Eastern_Arabia.pdf
Appendix A
Interview
The interview was conducted in person, with the questions sent prior to the interview date. The responses given verbally by Dr. Holton, a UGA professor in ethnomusicology, specifically in the field of North African and Middle Eastern modal studies. He elaborated on the concepts of appropriation and patrimony within his discipline and how it may pertain to African and West Asian communities. He also offered insight on the broader geographical, political, and social implications, beyond Lēwa. Below is a summary of the discussion and the corresponding questions.
Questions
- How have the interactions with other cultures shaped the music in Oman/Arabia? Specifically, what role has African cultures and the diaspora played in shaping the music genres?
- In your experience, how have discussions of appropriation of music cultures been addressed in Arabia/West Asia?
- What are some ways to approach these controversies in ethnomusicology?
- How and why do the larger religious, governmental, and social institutions continue to impact music in this region?
Notes
Genealogists may argue that most occupants come from Africa, but when looking into the migration patterns they primarily came from slavery/enslaved populations across North Africa (Sahara, Mali – Atlantic slave trade mainly through Arab traders after Islam was born (8th, 9th, 10th centuries), supposed to have stopped in North Africa in late 1800s). Enslaved population in the Gulf areas from Mombasa, Tanzania, Swahili coast, and Mozambique, had specialized histories of trade travel and work. But they were not all necessarily slaves, some were working migrants and merchants.
These populations left an incredible mark on the music in the enslaved communities. Looking into Tunisia, and Libya (midpoint), the citizens’ musical expression came from their lineage. There were many healing rituals including zar music in Egypt and the Gulf (performed at night within the communities) with Gnawa in Morocco, Diwen in Algeria, and Stambeli. The tradition is considered black/folk, not nationalistic. But, after the revolution, the younger generation felt more inclined to that aspect as a part of their identity (ex. the 13 nationalized musical modes, rasd ‘obaydi means rasd of the enslaved ones – pentatonic scale). However, these movements are extremely controversial, since there is often discrimination against the minority and tribal communities. For instance, Tawergha is an all-black community with very little research and marginal status in the area. They don’t deem their music to be important, but there was systematic racism and constant blaming of the black communities. One of the major driving forces in these areas is religion which can be seen in politics/government (Music in Arabia book). The genres are now split into nationalistic and heritage-specific music, where traditional genres like Lewa are considered heritage, folk songs. While they may be popular styles, they are not considered nationalistic, because of their African background.
Cultural ownership comes from capitalistic structures that are governed by North America and Europe for profit. Appropriation is making something that is not yours or your own. Privatizing and individual ownership come in when they are profiting from it, and when the people to whom the culture “belongs”, are unable to survive due to a lack of societal standing (questions of survivability in the area). Within ethnomusicology, Steven Feld addressed this when describing world music markets and how Western music industry people went to other places, remixed their music, and became rich. He mentioned how the melody is the positive aspect of appropriation, and the countermelody is capitalism, the negative side, status, and globalism. They happen at the same time where there is inequity and harm that comes with that, but culture is also made and remade as part of the unintended consequence.
Turath (heritage) was a big priority in the 20th century, and it was made as a nationalizing project highlighting poetry, and transmission. Cultural institutes were set up when nations were created, mostly with a ministry of culture. There is a hierarchy in which they choose music that is valid, safe, and institutionalized music. Sultan Qaboos in Oman integrated Western music with a phirca (symphonic orchestras), built an opera house and staged shows, and reinforced the importance of Arab music. They have a pedagogical study system where learning Western and Arabic music simultaneously is normal for them. Lineages that advocate for these ideas valorize them by giving value to create archiving projects and European musical transcribing.
Acknowledgements: The author extends thanks to her professor, Dr. Jean Kidula, and her teaching assistant, Kelsey Schoenbaum for their advice and feedback during the drafting stages of this essay. Moreover, Dr. Jared Holton’s expertise provided valuable insights about the subject.
Citation Style: Chicago